If one bears in mind what happened in previous negotiating cycles, then one should not rule out that the bickering might take longer, with a prolonged give and take exercise beyond 2012. With or without delays in reaching a political compromise, the fact is that the ongoing MFF negotiations will be one of the most important matters that will be dealt with by Portuguese diplomacy in the coming months. If the previous negotiations regarding Financial Perspectives 2007-2013 were tough, the current ones promise to be even more difficult.
On August 7th, Cape Verdeans went to the ballot to choose a successor for outgoing President Pedro Pires, in office for the past ten years and thus constitutionally forbidden from running for a third term. In a country so used to the tense political dichotomy between the ruling PAICV and main opposition party MpD, the mere existence of four different candidates effectively managed to provide a glimpse of diversity for such an election, but the results of the first round highlighted once more the deep fracture lines dividing the country in terms of political representation.
Since independence, Portuguese-Angolan relations have been constrained by their historical past and by Angola's own internal vicissitudes. However, the end of Angola's civil war in 2002, and the stability and national reconciliation process that followed, marked the start of a visible mutual effort in advancing the bilateral relationship. Although some past issues have been left unresolved, regular political contact between both countries' authorities has supported an increased rapprochement and created new opportunities for bilateral engagement. Wide co-operation avenues, an overall co-ordination in terms of foreign policy and extensive economic and trade ties have embedded the present strategic partnership in both countries' foreign priorities. In turn, this has also strengthened Portugal's position in withstanding competition from other international suitors in Angola.
A party built out of war and disorder, Renamo thrives on conflict, and so in this instance it appears to be manufacturing discord without offering any constructive alternatives to Frelimo policy. If Renamo truly wishes to 'defend democracy', the party would do best to leave its militant pretensions, and Dhlakama, behind, and focus on challenging Frelimo through political means.
At a time when the wounds opened by the political and military crisis of April 2010 havee yet to heal, Guinea-Bissau once again lives days of unrest and political instability. Unlike what has happened in the last few years, Portugal does not have the political strength to once again support Guinea-Bissau in the EU, in the United Nations, and elsewhere. The Portuguese government could not afford it and, quite possibly, also would not want to do it again. Thus, Portugal should send a discreet but clear message to the local political players: if anyone wants to play Russian roulette, then they shall do it at their own risk, and must be prepared to accept the consequences.
Lack of adequate reform in the multilateral system has given rise to a plethora of theories suggesting new models of global governance. In particular, this article analyzes the advocated new world order based on trans-governmental networks. This vision of new world order has its pros and cons. However, it is argued that it does not present a convincing case for a new world order.
Manuel Pinto da Costa is considered by local media and some foreign analysts as the favorite to replace Fradique de Menezes after his last presidential term. On August 7, we will see if the São Toméan voters were willing to elect Manuel Pinto da Costa or if they preferred to give a blank check to ADI's political family.
Table of Contents: Paulo Gorjão, "Portugal and the recognition of the National Transitional Council of Libya" Kai Thaler, "Biofuels, agricultutal development, and food security in Mozambique" Pedro Seabra, "The EU and Guinea-Bissau: always one step behind?" Timeline of Events
